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De bibliotheek van prins Henry (1594-1612) vóór de verwerving (zonder 'Medicijnen' en 'Rechten') van de collectie Lumley
Prince Henry's library before the acquisition (except 'Law' and 'Medicine') of the Lumley-collection: a preliminary catalogue (List A)
Bron: M.M.G.J (Marleen) Engels, typoscript postdoc ZWO project K.U. Nijmegen prof. dr. T.A. Birrell resp. Bristol University 1980.
Internetuitgave: M.H.H. (Martin) Engels, juni 2021, voor mijn zus / for my sister Marleen - OCR van deels vaag typoscript / of partly vague typescript
Catalogus geconverteerd in een sorteerbare tabel / catalogue converted in a sortable table
>> Prince Henry in Scotland; >> Wright's service for the Prince; >> Catalogue
Introduction
When in 1610 the library of John Lord Lumley, then at Nonsuch, came into the possession of Henry, Prince of Wales, who was then 16 years old, the manuscripts and printed books, together about 2,800 volumes, were given a place in the New library which Prince Henry had ordered to be built at his main residence, St. James's Palace in London.The successive contributors to what is now known as the Lumleian collection - Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, the Earl of Arundel and John Lord Lumley - had each added a considerable number of books, the acquisition of which was often dictated by personal preferences for the study of specific subjects, sometimes coupled with an antiquarian interest. The result was a Renaissance library the whole of which, containing works on theology, philosophy, politics and morality, the sciences and miscellaneous other topics, was excellently suited to supply the reading and reference material that Prince Henry's private tutors would be bound to have directed him to in the course of his comprehensive studies up to that date.
That long before 1610 Prince Henry had started to form his own collection is a lesser known fact. From Thomas Birch's extensive biography of Prince Henry, E.C.Wilson's 'Prince Henry and English Literature', and Franklin B. William's 'Index of Dedications and Commendatory Verses in English Books before 1641', it can be gathered that the eldest son of James I was frequently honoured with the dedication of a newly written book, the motives of the respective authors for doing so ranging in several degrees from true admiration down to simple ambition for promotion, and that on several occasions Englishmen and foreigners presented Henry with books which they thought that might interest him. These books date almost exclusively from after the succession of Henry's father to the throne of England in 1603.
From 1599 onwards Prince Henry had been tutored by Adam Newton and there is an early record of books bought for Henry's use when he was still in Scotland. Under the supervision of Newton Henry was taught in all the subjects which were recommended by the Renaissance educational writers for the future ideal gentleman or member of the governing class. The character and abilities of a Christian prince were well-defined, and Henry's library was augmented to contain nearly all the principle and standard works in every field of Renaissance and pre-Renaissance knowledge. But as he grew older, Henry's circle came to include more and more scientists - among them, his librarian Edward Wright - , and his attention was increasingly directed to naval and military affairs, a development which affected the acquisition policy followed for Henry's private library.
In 1612, the year of Henry's premature death, his library held about 1000 works, which had evidently found a place in Richmond palace. As part of James I's collection they are listed in the Old Royal Library Catalogue which is a complete inventory, written soon after 1757, of the books which George II donated to the British Museum by letters patent. Some of Henry's books did not come into the British Museum along with this collection because they had left the Royal Library before 1757; others were sold in the Duplicate Sales held in the second half of the eighteenth century and first part of the nineteenth century, but sometimes found their way back again. Relatively few of the dedication and donation copies can be traced in the British Library or any of the other major libraries in England and America. Some may still be unrecorded because they are in private ownership.
King James I intended his eldest son's environment to take the form of a "collegiate court" or "courtly college". The aim was more than reached. The intellectual atmosphere at Henry's court was superior to that found in the university colleges in his age where the range of subjects taught was still limited. And whenever the oral tuition by one of his private teachers had to be supplemented or illustrated by written sources, Henry had only to go to his own collection of books.
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Prince Henry: his early years in Scotland 1593/94 - 1603
On 19th February 1593-4 Anne of Denmark, Queen of Scotland, gave birth to an heir to the throne, after four years of marriage to King James VI. The castle of Sterling, where the happy event took place, was also to be the scene of the baptism.1) James seemed to be determined to have it witnessed by ambassadors from as many countries possible. To that end he sent envoys to the courts of France, England, the States-General, Denmark, the home country of the Queen and now ruled by her brother Christiern IV, to Julius, Duke of Brunswick and to Ulric Duke of Mecklenburg, grandfather of Queen Anne.2)Henry IV of France failed to send either an ambassador or a present, but this neglect of respect for the new-born royal child was more than adequately repaired by the affection between the martial King of France and this same child when it grew up to have a preference for all sorts of military exercises. However, for the time being, Queen Elizabeth, hearing of the failure of France to be present at the baptism, took the chance of ingratiating herself with King James and contrary to her former intention, arranged for Robert Radcliffe, Earl of Sussex to go to Scotland.3)
Twice the baptism had to be postponed. On 15th August the work on the chapel at Sterling, which James had ordered to be rebuilt for the occasion, was still in progress, and as the Earl of Sussex had not yet arrived, the ceremony was deferred till the 11th of September4); Sussex still being absent then, the event had to be put off once more, until finally, on Friday 6th October, David Cunningham, Bishop of Aberdeen, christened the baby Frederick Henry, Henry Frederick.5)
The first acquaintance of Prince Henry with foreign ambassadors was by way of gifts from their respective princes: a cupboard of plate (England), gold chains (Denmark and Brunswick), and a table adorned with diamonds and other precious stones (Mecklenburg).6) If the Prince had been of age, such presents would have been regarded as necessary from time to time to express and consolidate the friendship between a royal heir and foreign powers. This function of a gift, more often than not little less than a bribe, Queen Elizabeth had in view, and the States General explicitly alluded to Scottish interest in Dutch affairs by setting an annual pension for Prince Henry during his lifetime, amounting to 5,000 florins to be paid to the conservator of the Scots nation at Campveer in Zealand.7)
Soon after Prince Henry was placed in the household of John Erskine, Earl of Mar who was appointed his governor8), his mother Annabula, Countess Dowager of Mar, who had nursed James himself in his infancy, was to assist her son in this responsible task.9) The Earl of Mar had been James's playmate and though he had been involved in the Ruthven raid, he had been pardoned in 1585 and since enjoyed royal favour again. But the removal of her son out of her own care was taken ill by Queen Anne, whose dislike of Erskine culminated in 1595 in her attempt, supported by John Maitland, Chancellor of Scotland, to remove Henry from the custody of the Earl of Mar. King James was furious at his wife's contempt of his orders concerning Henry's upbringing and feared for his own security.10) If Henry were kidnapped by James's eternal opponents, the Scottish nobles, James would probably be killed and Henry proclaimed king, Anne being made Queen Regent. And even his own wife, of an altogether frivolous nature, was not to be trusted, as it was rumoured that she was unstable in her religion - a Lutheran by upbringing - and meant to embrace the Roman faith. James, however, succeeded in reconciling Anne to the Earl of Mar, but as a precaution against future attempts ordered Mar in a letter dated 24th July 1595: "in case God call me at any time, see that neither for the Queen nor Estates their pleasure you deliver him [= Henry] till he be eighteen years of age, and that he command you himself".11)
In 1599 or 1600 when Henry was about six years old, the Countess of Mar's service virtually ended. As the English writer on education Thomas Elyot in his 'Boke named the Governour' (1531) says: "at seven yeare of age the child should be taken from the company of women, and put under a tutor who was to make it his business to know the character and power of his pupil".12) The tutorship fell to Adam Newton, a Scotsman. He had formerly spent some time in France, teaching at the college at St. Maixant in Poitou, and André Rivet, the future theologian, had been his pupil in Greek. That Mr Newton was equally well versed in Latin is proved by his translation of King James's "Discourse against Vorstius" and the first six books of Pietro Sarpi's "History of the Council of Trent".13) Thus Newton was quite capable of teaching Prince Henry at least three foreign languages, Latin, Greek, and French. Not only was King James at that time concerned with the settling of his eldest son's private studies (a second son, Prince Charles, had been born in 1596), but he also saw to it that Henry's constant attendants were of considerable rank and learning. David Murray, comptroller of the household of James, was to fill the position of gentleman of the Prince's bedchamber.
These arrangements for the spiritual well-being of the young prince closely followed the publication, if such it can be called - seven copies only were printed by Robert Waldgrove, the King's printer in Edinburgh15) - of the "Βασιλικον Δωρον", written by King James for the instruction of his son and heir.16) King James intended it as a collection of rules of behaviour, the book being conveniently divided into three parts "the first teacheth you your duty towards God as a Christian: the next your duetie in your office as a King: And the third teacheth you how to behave your selfe in indifferent things, which of themselves are neither right nor wrong, but according as they are rightly or wrong used: yet wil serve (according to your behaviour therein) to augment or impair your fame and authoritie at the hands of your people".17) The greater part is a defence of James's own policy in affairs of state and religion, but his views on the usefulness of study of particular subjects (e.g. law, history, arts and sciences) and of certain pastimes shall be part of the discussion of the then current ideas of the education of a Christian prince (see Chapter IV).
At any rate King James is likely to have given Adam Newton some guiding lines along which Prince Henry should be instructed in the duties that awaited him. One of these was the writing of letters to foreign statesmen. Such letters usually did not get beyond a statement of the continuance of the writer's affection towards the person addressed and of the sincere intention to be of future service to the latter. However futile such epistles may seem, they were part of the code of conduct, and a prince who omitted to keep up a correspondence with foreign princes whom he was on friendly terms with would gradually lose the respect of these allies.
An early instance of Prince Henry's competence in this field, as well as an illustration that shortly after Newton's appointment Henry started learning French, is his letter, written 1st September 1600, to the States-General. It was occasioned by the reports which Henry had received from Colonel Clement Edmondes, a Scots officer in the service of the States-General, of the high esteem in which he was held by that government. His "primices de nostre main", as he calls his letter, or first fruits, express his gratitude and his desire to be used as mediator between the King his father and the States-General, should any matter urgently call for such intervention.18) That such a letter was the outcome of a careful and diligent study of models is clear, and how Prince Henry worked on this can be derived from a Latin letter dated 19th February 1601-1602, on his ninth birthday19), addressed to king James. Two years before, probably on the advice of Mr Newton, Henry had begun to write to inform his father of his progress in learning. He had now read over Terence's Hecyra, the third book of Phaedrus's Fables, and two books of Cicero's Select Epistles20), and thought himself capable of performing something in the commendatory kind of epistles.21) Two years later Henry started to write letters by way of New Year's present to his parents, including short specimens of poetry which he had translated or composed (See Ch.II, pt.2).
But of course Henry was not supposed to study his books all hours of the day. Physical exercise was just as much part of the "programme" of his education. In 1601, Birch states, "Prince Henry began to apply himself to active and manly exercises, learning to ride, sing, dance, leap, shoot with the bow and gun, toss the pike &c".22) Riding could be practised on Prince Henry's own horses. In December 1600, Abraham Abircrumby, a saddler, had provided saddle gear for the Prince "his twa horsis", and in February 1601, a boy was rewarded for delivering "one French naig" to Thomas Pott for the use of the Prince.23) And as early as 1597 Henry had "twa pair of Schankis twa beltis and twa dageris" added to his outfit.24) A special instructor in the use of arms was given Henry in the person of Richard Preston.25) Manly exercises requiring skill and courage everafter formed the main dish of Henry's diet and his own interest in these sports led him to value particularly anyone who had a similar taste. Thus early was laid the foundation for the martial character of Prince Henry which was in marked contrast with his father's peaceful attitude in political affairs. (The motto "Beati pacifici" is written on the throne in a picture of James in old age.)
Round about 1600 another attempt to put an end to the Earl of Mar's custody of Prince Henry formed part of the contents of letters between high court officials in Scotland and England. On 26th January 1599-1600 George Nicolson, the English ambassador in Scotland, informs Sir Robert Cecil that "the king inwardly dislikes my Lord of Mar, and in time will take the young Prince from him and have him with [him] self for the first but this is a secret".26) Of similar purport is a letter dated 14th May 1600 from Roger Aston, an Englishman in the Scottish service, to the English Secretary of State.27) But on 29th June Nicolson reports that the scheme is off, especially since Mar had done his best to effect a money matter in convention, a certainly powerful incentive to James who was always in need of new resources.28) Yet the rumours failed to die, and they even came to implicate one of the Catholic earls: "The Earl of Huntly is likely to get the Prince in keeping, which will not fail to put him and the Earl of Mar by the "lugis" and strengthen all the papistical faction".29) Imagination would be running wild, indeed, if the firm protestant James was suspected of contemplating to have his son brought up in a Catholic environment. Though he was quite prepared to humour the Scottish nobles when it was politically expedient, he was stubborn enough to be adamant when it came to the point of raising his son in the proper faith.
In 1603, some months before the death of Queen Elisabeth, Pope Clement VIII, supreme head of the Roman Church did not manage to persuade James that money-aid for the securing of the throne of England in exchange for the relinquishing of Henry's education into popish hands was a fair deal. King James answered that it was an "unnatural thing" for a father to have his child brought up via a religion different from his own and that secondly such behaviour would be contrary to the present course of politics in the country that would at one time be ruled by Henry.30)
Because of James's need for foreign support in his struggle to be declared heir to the English throne, the education of Prince Henry was once more made a point of debate, when Henry IV of France declared the conditions which James would have to fulfil in return for guaranties of assistance. Scaramelli, the Venetian ambassador in England, notes them in his report to the Doge and Senate, June 12, 1603, one being that "the King of France has refused to restore the Scottish Guard, which was suppressed at the revolution under Henry III, unless the Prince of Scotland is sent to be educated at the French court."31) The ambassador was probably right in adding that James was very anxious to have the Scottish Guard continued, which would furnish him with a number of trained soldiers bred at another's expenses; however, Henry never crossed the Channel and in 1608 the Scottish Guard had been in existence for some time again, as appears from the publication in that year of a book on its history,32) occasioned by dissatisfaction among the archers, and dedicated to Prince Henry.
When on 4th April 1603 King James VI of Scotland started on his journey to London to be crowned King James I of England, he reminded his son that the change in circumstances should not induce excessive pride in Henry, "for a King's son was ye before, and no more are ye now."33) But Henry was ten years of age now, and with the establishment of a separate household began a new period in which Henry was to gather around him a court of his own, which recorded a considerable number of learned men, whose stimulating influence on the young man's studies and developing interests is not to be underrated. Though initially the appointments of new members to Henry's court were still made under the supervision of King James, Henry gradually started to show preferences and wishes concerning this matter. He became more and more aware of his own importance in a country in which several generations had been unfamiliar with the phenomenon of a Prince of Wales, and where accordingly the people's attention came to be directed to the reigning monarch as well as the promising heir.
Notes to chapter I.
1. Thomas Birch, The Life of Henry, Prince of Wales, 1
2. ibid., 2
3. ibid., 3
4. ibid., 4
5. ibid., 7
6. ibid., 9
7. ibid., 9-10
8. ibid., 10-11
9. ibid., 11
10. ibid., 12
11. ibid., 13
12. Quoted in Foster Watson, English Writers on Education 1480-1603, 15
13. DNB
14. Birch, 16
15. ibid., 17
16. BM Royal MS. 18 B XV is the autograph copy (circ. 1598) in the original binding of purple velvet. G.F. Warner & J.P. Gilson, Catalogue of Western MSS, in the Old Royal and King's Collections
17. From the 1599 Waldegrave edition, edited by James Craigie for the Scottish Text Society, 8
18. Birch, 20-21
19. ibid., 21. For copy of the letter, see Appendix No.1. On 19th February 1601-02 Henry became 8 years old. The letter states that he started writing "two years before when aged 7." If Birch added the date, it should have been 1602/3.
20. Prince Henry's library holds a 1599-edition of Terence's Comedies, of which Hecyra is the last, and a copy of Cicero's Epistolae ad Atticum (1592). A 1598-edition* of Phaedrus (erased in ORC and without an ascription to a monarch) may, just like the other two books, have been the copy from which Henry studied, as their publication dates from before this letter. All three are small-sized editions from the Plantin press in Leyden. * John Morris-book. CII binding. On spine initials R.B.
21. Birch, 22
22. ibid., 21
23. Extracts from the Accounts of the Lord High Treasure or Scotland from the year MDXCIII to the year MDCIII, LXXVIII. Thomas Pott was master of the King's Hunt.
- Nichols, Progresses of King James I, vol ii, 411n.
24. Extracts from the Accounts, LXXIII
25. Nichols reports him to have been groom of the bedchamber (i, 223) and
gentleman of the Privy Chamber to King James (ii, 108n). He acted in at
least two court masques, the one on the occasion of Sir Philip Herbert's
marriage (i, 471), and Campion's masque at Lord Hay's marriage (ii, 108), and
in 1610 he assisted Prince Henry at the Barriers (ii, 270) (See Chapter II,
pt. 1)
26. Calendar of State Papers Scotland, Jan. 26, 1599-1600
27. ibid., May 14, 1600. Roger Aston, of Cheshire, was at that time James's
messenger to the court of Queen Elizabeth - Nichols, i, 34.
28. CSP Scotland, June 29, 1600
29. ibid., Oct. 19, 1600. Robert Douglas to Thomas Douglas. In 1610 Robert Douglas was Master of the Horse to Prince Henry. He had been previously employed to carry messages abroad. - Birch, 170.
30. Birch, 22-23
31. CSP Venice
32. L'Escosse Françoise, by A. Houston. See chapter VI
33. Birch, 25
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The Panizzi Lectures, 1986 - English monarchs and their books: from Henry VII to Charles II [by] T.A. Birrell. The British Library [1987].
[30] When we come to Henry Prince of Wales, we have the great advantage of the very recent publication of Sir Roy Strong's long awaited study, Henry Prince of Wales and England's Lost Renaissance (1986). It is a delight to read: scholarly, perceptive, enthusiastic and lucid — a combination of qualities all too rare in historical writing nowadays. With regard to our present concerns, we find the following passage: 'The contents of [Prince Henry's] library can still largely be identified among the books from the old Royal Library presented by George III to the British Museum in the 18th century' — for George III read George II, of course — 'It would be a formidable and wearisome task to identify all these volumes, but it is a perfectly possible one which perhaps a bibliophile might one day attempt'. The plodding bibliographical tortoise is not quite so far behind the brilliant art-historical hare.
Prince Henry's private library, as distinct from the Lumley library, comes out at about 1,000 titles in the Royal Library catalogue. To that can be added his so-called travelling library — a collection of miniature books — and a number of other volumes, not only duplicates, that have turned up in other libraries. Prince Henry's library is an admirable mixture of the humanistic and the scientific. For the humanities, Henry's tutor was Adam Newton, a Scots classicist, and there were also in the prince's household Sir Thomas Chaloner, Sir David Murray and Sir William Alexander — all men of a wide European culture. The humanistic influences within the prince's household are well analysed by Sir Roy Strong. On the scientific side the prince had Edward Wright, navigator and mathematician, at first the prince's mathematics tutor and later his librarian.
To begin with the humanities, Prince Henry's books include not only the schoolboy classics, Latin and Greek, but also post-classical Latin and Greek authors. His lawbooks include the [31] standard texts, but also modern political thinkers like Jean Bodin and the légistes. Henry has plenty of modern, as well as classical, history, and books of modern travel and exploration, to which we shall return later.
For modern literature he has Ronsard, Du Bellay and Du Bartas for French, and Jean de Nostredâme's lives of the Provençal poets which, though highly inaccurate, was the pioneering work on Provençal poetry. For Italian, Henry has Boccaccio, Dante and Petrarch and a number of Italian storybooks including Giraldi Cinthio's Hecatommithi which, as every student knows, is one of Shakespeare's sources.
There are two authors who call for special comment. Prince Henry has several books by and about Heinrich Rantzau, and his signature is on one of them. -- 606.c.31(1). I am most grateful to Mrs M. Bergmans-Engels for her work on Prince Henry's library. -- Heinrich Rantzau was stadholder of Schleswig-Holstein, a great statesman and a renaissance patrician of the North. He was the friend of Tycho Brahe and builder of the magnificent Schloss Breitenburg, a palace on the renaissance model with paintings, sculpture, tapestries, medals, and a magnificent library. Rantzau was a model for Prince Henry because he was Protestant, Germanic and essentially modern: a humanist with an interest in science and a patron of Italian culture who could adapt it to a Northern civilisation.
The other author to be emphasised is Franciscus Modius. Tournaments and displays of the martial arts were part of Prince Henry's entertainments: tilting 'at the barriers' was one of these martial games. There is a good illustration of 'the barriers' in Modius's Pandectae Triumphales, fol., Frankfurt 1586. The point of Modius's book is to explain the history of these pseudo-mediaeval chivalric entertainments for the Germanic nobility and aristocracy. The emphasis in Sir Roy Strong's book is upon the direct Italian influence on Prince Henry and his court; the books of Rantzau and Modius may serve to remind us that Henry is a Germanic Protestant prince, and that the adaptation of renaissance culture in the Germanic Protestant courts was Henry's most sympathetic model. As for military literature, Henry certainly possessed books by Italian authors, but it was the drill book of [32] Prince Maurits van Nassau, the great Protestant hero of the Netherlands, illustrated by Jacob de Gheyn and translated into English as The Exercise of Arms (1607), that was dedicated to him.
Henry had several books on fencing. Nicoletto Giganti's Scola di ferire, 4°, Venice 1606, certainly does not treat fencing as a sport; the grisly illustrations show the rapier going right through the naked combatants' eyes and lungs and sticking out at the back. (When the book was put on exhibition recently, it was the chief item of attention for 20th-century schoolboys.) For gymnastics Henry had Arcangelo Tuccaro, Trois dialogues de l'exercice de Sauter, 4°, Paris 1599. This kind of book seems to be rare, for the simple reason that gymnastics and acrobatics were arts more usually confined to circus people and taught by word of mouth. Tuccaro was tutor to Charles IX, and his book, with its remarkably vivid and copious illustrations of somersaults and backflips off the springboard, is an early attempt to make the subject respectable.
Even a cursory survey of the humanistic side of Henry's library reveals it to be not just a schoolboy's library chosen by pedagogues, however well-intentioned, but a library carefully selected to widen the interests of an intelligent young man in whatever direction he wanted to follow. What is remarkable is the combination of an enlightened humanistic with an enlightened scientific library, so that the two cultures really shade into one.
Prince Henry's scientific collection owes everything to his tutor and librarian, Edward Wright. He was a fellow of Caius College Cambridge who first applied his mathematical studies to the problems of navigation. He later assisted William Gilbert in the publication of the De Magnete (1600) and belonged to the circle of Henry Briggs, Thomas Hariot and Nathaniel Torporley. Edward Wright's epochmaking Certain Errors in Navigation (1599) illustrated only one aspect of his mathematical interests: he was also concerned with surveying, dialling and military science. To Edward Wright must be due Prince Henry's remarkable collection of scientific books, built up, it should not be forgotten, in the [33] space of not more than three or four years. It could only have been done by someone who had at his fingertips the bibliography of modern science as it was then known — and a very generous budget.
The only scientific incunable in Prince Henry's library calls for some comment. It is the Opuscula of Gulielmus Hentisberus, fol., Venice 1495: this is of course William of Heytesbury, one of the medieval logicians who are being rediscovered today as the pioneers of mathematical physics. Heytesbury was never reprinted in the 16th century, so for someone in the early 17th century to get hold of an incunable of Heytesbury, specially for Prince Henry's library, shows a profound knowledge of mathematical theory. Edward Wright was not only a mathematical practitioner: for all his modernity he was traditionally trained and had an historical awareness of his subject.
The cornerstone of Henry's mathematical library was the English edition of Euclid's Elements, folio, London 1570, translated by Henry Billingsley, with the famous and oft-quoted preface by Dr John Dee. Unfortunately Prince Henry's copy was sold off as a duplicate and eventually acquired by John Gennadius — so the Greeks got at least something out of the British Museum, even if it was not quite the Elgin Marbles. Henry has two elementary English textbooks, Thomas Hylles, The Art of Vulgar Arithmetic (1600) and Thomas Masterson's Arithmetic (1592-5), both obviously for a beginner. Then there are several French and Latin mathematical books by continental schoolmasters, which represent a more advanced level than Hylles and Masterson.
The edition of Euclid that does remain is the two volume edition of Christopher Clavius, 8°, Frankfurt 1607, which is of course not a schoolboy's book but a scientific variorum edition embodying the work of previous commentators as well as Clavius's own mathematical thinking. Although an anti-Copernican, Clavius was a distinguished mathematician, a friend of Galileo and the brains behind the Gregorian Calendar. Prince Henry has seven titles of Clavius: on pure mathematics, on the [34] astrolabe, on the Gregorian Calendar, as well as his mathematical tables, edited by Adrianus Romanus and published at Mainz, 1607.
Adrianus Romanus's book contains an excellent survey of the state of mathematics in the first decade of the 17th century. Despite his name, the parents of Adrianus Romanus came from Bergen-op-Zoom, and you cannot be less Roman than that. His interests were in medicine and anatomy as well as in mathematics and astronomy. His curriculum vitae is typical of the world of science of his time. He was Rector of Louvain in 1592 and moved to a chair at Würtzburg the following year, where he supervised theses on a variety of subjects as well as being personal physician to the great bibliophile and patron of the university, Bishop Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn (whose magnificent library was later looted by Gustavus Adolphus and the peace-loving Swedes). Adrianus Romanus travelled in Italy where he quarrelled with Magini and made friends with Della Porta; visited Elias Vieta in Paris; met Tycho Brahe and Kepler in Prague; and then travelled to Poland, the mecca of mathematics, to Zamosc and Cracow. He died in 1613. From time to time the authorities in Würtzburg complained of his absence — we all know the type. His career is a paradigm of the scientific world of his age, and we can use it as a thread on which to hang our account of Prince Henry's scientific books.
For whether you look at the biography of a man like Adrianus Romanus, or whether you look on Prince Henry's library shelves, you cannot fail to be struck by the compactness of the scientific world of the Renaissance: Louvain, Würtzburg, Padua, Rome, Messina, Prague, Cracow, Copenhagen, Paris, Coimbra. There were scientific wanderers and scientific stay-at-homes, but everyone seemed to know everyone else, even if they quarrelled violently. Most important of all, books circulated amazingly quickly via the Frankfurt Fair in its heyday. The real split in the unity of European culture did not come with the Reformation in the 16th century: it came in the third quarter of the 17th century when, owing to the combined effects of censorship and taxation, [35] the Protestant booksellers set up the Leipzig Fair as an alternative to Frankfurt — that is when the real cultural polarity begins.
Prince Henry has got not only the Clavius-Romanus tables, but also all the other famous sets of mathematical tables before Napier — Regiomontanus, Reinhold and Maurolicus of Messina. As for Romanus's friend Elias Vieta, the pioneer of algebra in France, Henry has seven titles, plus the Opera Omnia — these represent the major holdings of Vieta in the British Library.
For astronomy, Henry has Kepler's Paralipomena, 4°, Frankfurt 1604; Kepler's Stella Nova was presented by the author to James I in 1606, but of course Kepler had not published very much before Prince Henry died. The Italian Copernicans, Magini and Gallucci, are well represented; and as well as books on mathematical instruments and astrolabes Henry also has books on engineering. From the point of view of the illustrations, Jacques Besson's Theatrum Instrumentarum et Machinarum, folio, Lugd. 1582, is very striking — it would seem that Besson was an early precursor of Heath Robinson.
For military science we can start at home with Thomas Digges's Stratioticos, 4°, London 1590. The full title is instructive: 'An arithmeticall warlike treatise named Stratioticos, compendiously teaching the science of numbers as well in Fractions as Integers, and so much of the Rules and Aequations Algebraicall and art of numbers Cossicall, as are requisite for the profession of a souldier. Together with the moderne militare discipline, offices, laws and orders in every well governed camp and army inviolably to be observed'. Shakespeare's joke in creating Captain Fluellen in Henry V was that Fluellen had obviously not read a modern book on war like Digges's Stratioticos: 'it is the disciplines of the wars, look you . . . the disciplines of the pristine wars of the Romans'.
The first edition of Digges's book had had a great influence on Thomas Finkius of Flensburg, who thanks Digges very fulsomely in the preface to Geometria Rotundi, 4°, Basle 1583, also in Henry's library. Finkius was a convinced Copernican, was professor at Copenhagen, had studied in Germany and Italy, invented the terms tangent and secant, knew Tycho Brahe and [36] Magini, and did mathematical calculations for Heinrich Rantzau. There are plenty of other books in Henry's library for gunners and sappers. His copy of Julius Ferretus, De re et disciplina militari, folio, Venice 1575, was stolen from the Royal Library during the Commonwealth — Cromwell's soldiers were billetted in St. James's — bought by Sir Philip Mildmay in the 1650s for the considerable sum of eighteen shillings, and remained in the Mildmay family till it was bought back by the British Museum at the Peover Hall sale in 1837 for five guineas. There are also French military books. Claude Flamand, Le Guide des Fortifications, 8°, Montbeliard 1597, is significant. The place of publication reveals at once the religion of the author. He was a Savoyard convert to Protestantism, became engineer to the Protestant Duke of Würtemberg, and fortified the Huguenot strongholds in France. His son took service in the army of Prince Maurits van Nassau.
After the arts of war come geography, cosmography and navigation. Prince Henry has got Paullus Merula's Geographia, Sebastian Münster's Cosmographia and Mercator's Atlas Minor — it would be surprising if he had not. For navigation there is Pedro de Medina in an edition of Venice 1609. This was first published at Valladolid in 1545 and was the famous book that Frobisher and Drake used on their voyages. And as Pedro de Medina did not understand that there was any difference between true north and magnetic north, it was no wonder that Frobisher and Drake often ended up in the wrong place. It was precisely Pedro de Medina that Edward Wright refuted in Certain Errors of Navigation. But Prince Henry also has the antidote to Medina, Petrus Nonius or Pedro Nunez, Opera Mathematica, folio, Basle 1592. Nunez was professor of mathematics at Coimbra, he was the first to compile a table of the values of magnetic declination, and he was the tutor of Christopher Clavius. Edward Wright generously acknowledges his debt to Nunez.
Among the more practical navigational guides, Prince Henry also has Pierre Garcie's Le Grand Routier, 4°, Rouen 1607, one of the early rutters of the sea: essentially practical pilots' books for seamen who used the naked eye more than mathematical [37] calculations. According to Captain D. W. Waters, the Royal Library copy is the only perfect copy of this edition. All editions of these little pamphlets are very rare as they mostly got soaked with the rain and the spray: they were books you kept on the bridge of your ship. The coastal outline was shown on the pages as a heavy, crude, black silhouette: you stared at the printed page and imprinted the silhouette on your visual memory, and then looked up from the book, into the rain and the fog, trying to find a coastal outline that would fit.
Prince Henry had many books of exploration. Cornelius Wytfliet's Histoire des Indes Occidentales, folio, Douay 1607, begins with an account of the deficiencies of Ptolemaic geography for the purposes of navigation and goes on to analyse the achievements of Columbus as a practical pilot. Henry also had Girolamo Benzoni, Novi Orbis Historia, 8°, Genoa 1600, who defended Columbus against the Spanish. But in this age of the expansion of Europe, of colonialistic exploration, it is salutary to find in Prince Henry's library not only the early editions of Jesuit missionary letters from Japan, but also Joseph de Acosta, De Natura Novi Orbis, 8°, Cologne 1596. Acosta was the second Jesuit provincial of Peru. He went out there in 1569, moved to Mexico in 1586 and retired to Spain the following year, where he died in 1600. Acosta was not only a humane man, he was intellectually very acute. He tries to place the discovery of America within a scientific framework, within the universe, within the world, within a concept of matter. Obviously, as a religious man, he sees the discovery of America as part of the providential scheme of history, but he recognises it as a problem and a challenge. It is not just enough to look at the American Indians and say that all men are intellectual and rational beings — though a lot of the explorers did not even accept that. But, says Acosta, if we are to apply our belief in the spiritual and rational nature of man to the discoveries of the New World, then we must develop a new science. Although he had not got a word for it, Acosta was groping towards a science of cultural anthropology. Acosta's book was well enough known in its own time, but it is heartening to find it among the books bought for Prince [38] Henry: it is not so much as mentioned in Daniel J. Boorstin's The Discoverers, a history of man's search to know his world and himself, Harmondsworth 1983 — 'Over 100,000 copies sold in Hardback' (Penguin blurb).
It is a commonplace that in the 17th century there was no hard and fast line between mathematics and astronomy on the one hand, and astrology, natural magic and occult science in general on the other. Prince Henry has the standard authors in the esoteric field: Reuchlin, Pistorius, Trithemius — the sort of tradition one associates with Dr John Dee. There are some downright silly books in Henry's library, like Bertrand Filerius's Punctum, 12°, Tolos. 1609, a pseudo-philosophical disquisition on the point: it is the sort of book a mathematician might order from a catalogue on the strength of the title, only to find on reading it that it is worthless. Similarly there is Tomaso Tomai, Idea del Giardino del Mondo, 4°, Bologna 1580, which looks as if it might be a useful book on agriculture — instead of which it claims that, since animals that are castrated are healthier and live longer than other animals, we ought logically to apply the principle to the whole human race. Then there is Guido Casoni, Della Magia d'Amore, 4°, Venice 1596, a very popular book because its general message was that it is love that makes the world go round. The subtitle says it all:
'Nella quali si dimostra come Amore fra Metafisico, Fisico, Astrologo, Musico, Geometra, Aritmetico, Grammatico, Dialectico, Rettore, Poeta, Historiografo, Iurisconsulto, Politico, Ethico, Economico, Medico, Capitano, Nochiero, Agricoltore, Lanifico, Cacciatore, Architetto, Pittore, Scultore, Fabio, Vitreario, Mago naturale, Negromante, Geomante, Hidromante, Acremante, Piromante, Chiromante, Fisionomo, Augure, Aurispice, Ariolo, Salitore e Genitliaco'.
But even if we concede that there are some silly books in Prince Henry's library, there is also the antidote, G. B. Crispo's De ethnicis philosophis caute legendis, folio, Rome 1594. This is an onslaught on the whole Platonic and neo-Platonic tradition, and on the Cabbalistic and Orphic tradition. Crispo starts each time with a proposition from Plato and then traces it via the [39] neo-Platonists into the occult tradition: the book is a very interesting example of typographical layout for didactic purposes. Prince Henry also has Benedictus Pererius, De Magia, de observatione somniorum et de divinatione, 8°, Cologne 1598 — like President Coolidge's preacher on sin, Pererius was against it. Pererius was later translated into English in 1661 as part of the campaign against the astrological predictions of the almanac makers.
>> begin
Wrights servic[e] for the Princ[e]Busines done for his Highnes by Edward Wright
A module of an Instrument to make a Plat smaller or greater in any proportion newely devised
A module of a large generall Astrolabe of more manifould and easyer use then others before invented.
A Sea-chart for the Northwest passage
A Paradoxall Sea-chart (as they call it) of all parts of the Worlde from 30 Degrees of Latitude Northwardes.
A Plat of the drowned groundes about Elye, Lincolneshire, Cambridgeshire etc.
A Plat of part of the way whereby a new River may bee brought from Uxbridge to St. James, Whitehall, Westminster, the Strand, St. Giles, Holburne and London.
An instrument to take suddenly the proportion or true mould of a mans face.
His Highnes used my service in reading Mathematicks unto him since Christmas was twelve moneth.
The Librarie for these two yeres spare hath required much paynes both of my selfe and others in writing and setting names to the Bookes in ordering them and making Catalogues of them.
My Booke of Errors in Navigation dedicated to his Highnes.
A Plat of the Lands belonging to Calice whiles it was English reduced into a royall sheete of paper out of a great ould Plat of 12 foote broade and 20 foote long for the King.
Edward Wright.
His Highnes also appointed mee to make for him these instruments following which are not finished.
An instrument of brasse to make a Plat or any Geometrical figure smaller or greater in any proportion.
An instrument for the easy & ready platting of any peece of ground, or for the true setting out of the ground plot of any fortification or great building.
A [Globe?] gathered out of diverse the ....... ..rts of all parts of the Worlde.
>> begin
Catalogus in een sorteerbare tabel / Catalogue in a sortable table
n.p. = no place (zonder plaats, sine loco), n.d. = no date (zonder jaar, sine anno)| nr. | title | format | place of publication | year of publication | key word | shelf mark BL Royal collection |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1. | Accorambonius, Fel. - Vera Mens Aristotelis | fol. | Rom. | 1603 | Accorambonius, Felix | C.76.g.5 |
| 2. | Achmat - Oneirocritica Gr.L. | 4° | Lutet. | 1603 | Artemidorus, Daldianus | 719.i.5 |
| 3. | Adrianus, Romanus - Canon Triangulorum Sphaericorum | 4° | Mogunt. | 1609 (1609,07) | Romanus, Adrianus | C.78.b.15 |
| 4. | Adrichomius, Chr. - Theatrum Terrae Sanctae | fol. | Col. Agr. | 1600 | Adrichomius, Christianus | C.83.l.5 |
| 5. | Aemylius, Paulus - De Rebus gestis Francorum | fol. | Bas. | 1601 | Aemilius, Paulus, Veronensis | C.74.h.4 |
| 6. | Aeschines - Opera Gr.L. per H. Wolfium | fol. | Aur. All. | 1607 | Demosthenes - Works - Greek and Latin | 835.m.25 |
| 7. | Aethicus - Cosmographia cum Schol. Simleri | 12° | Bas. | 1575 (16°) | Aethicus | C.73.a.17 |
| 8. | Agathias - Historiae | fol. | Bas. | n.d. (?1576) | Zosimus, the Historian | C.79.f.13 |
| 9. | Agathias - Historiae Gr.L. cum Notis Vulcanii - Pl. | 4° | Lug. B. | 1594 | Agathias | C.80.a.13 |
| 10. | Agricola, Georg. - De Re Metallica & Animantibus Subterraneis | fol. | Bas. | 1556 | Agricola, Georgius, the Elder | C.81.h.11 |
| 11. | Aimoinus - De Gestis Francorum | fol. | Paris | 1603 (1602) | Aimoinus, Monachus Floriacensis | C.74.h.2 |
| 12. | Aitsingerus, Mich. - Leo Belgicus | fol. | Col. Ub. | 1585 | Eytzinger, Michael von, Baron | 591.e.5 |
| 13. | Aitsingerus, Mich. - Pentaplus Regnorun Mundi C. Plant. | 4° | Antverp | 1579 | Eytzinger, Michael von, Baron | C.73.c.3 |
| 14. | Alberti, Leandro - Descrittione d'Italia Lat. | fol. | Coloniae | 1567 | Alberti, Leandro | C.81.e.4 |
| 15. | Albertinus, Franc. - Corollaria in 1mam & 3am D. Thomae | fol. | Lugd. | 1610 | Albertini, Francesco, Jesuit | 3835.g.15 |
| 16. | Albo, Abbas Floriac. - De Vitis Pontificum Romanorum | 4° | Mog. | 1602 | Liudprandus, Bishop of Cremona | C.78.b.6(2) |
| 17. | Albricus - De Deorun Imaginibus | 8° | Lugd. | 1608 | Hyginus, Caius Julius | C.77.a.4 |
| 18. | Alcabitius - Isagoge ad Judicia Astrorum cum Not. J. de Saxon | 4° | Paris | 1521 | Abd. Al-Aziz ibn Uthman, al-Kabisi | C.81.c.32 |
| 19. | Alciatus, Andr. - Opera 6 Tom. | fol. | Lugd. | 1560 | Alciatus, Andreas | C.83.i.2 |
| 20. | Alciatus, Andr. - Responsa | fol. | Lugd. | 1561 | Alciatus, Andreas | C.83.i.1 |
| 21. | Alcuinus, Alb. H. - Thesaurus Homiliarum | fol. | Col. | 1604 | Alcuinus | C.78.d.1 |
| 22. | Aldrovandus - Ornithologia | fol. | Franc. | 1610 | Aldrovandi, Ulisse | 1822.a.1 |
| 23. | Alhazenus - Opticae Thesaurus | fol. | Bas. | 1572 | Hasan ibn Hasan, called ibn al-Haitham | C.74.e.1 |
| 24. | Almansor - Astrolabii propositiones ad Saracenorum Regem | fol. | Bas. | 1551 | Firmicus Maternus, Julius | 718.i.9 |
| 25. | Althusius, Joh. - Politica | 4° | Gron. | 1610 | Althusius, Joannes | C.74.b.3 |
| 26. | Alvares, Alph. Guerrero - Thesaurus Christianae Religionis | fol. | Ver. | 1559 | Alvarez Guerrero, Alfonso, Bishop of Monopoli | C.81.e.3 |
| 27. | Alvarez, Jac. de Paz - De Vita Spirituali | fol. | Lugd. | 1608 | Alvarez de Paz, Jacobus | 471.g.1 |
| 28. | Alvernus, Gul. - Opera | fol. | Ven. | 1591 | Gulielmus, Arvernus, Bishop of Paris | 472.f.7 |
| 29. | Alunno, Franc. - Della Fabrica del Mondo | fol. | Ven. | 1575 | Alunno, Francesco | C.80.d.10 |
| 30. | Alunno, Franc. - Richezze della Lingua volgaro sopra il Bocaccio | fol. | Ven. | 1543 | Alunno, Francesco | C.83.e.9 |
| 31. | Amanus, Jodocus - Theatrum Mulierum | 4° | Franc. | 1586 | Kodius, Franciscus | C.107.d.17 |
| 32. | Ambrosius, D. - Opera 5 Tom. | fol. | Paris | 1603 | Ambrose, Saint, Bishop of Milan | 474.i.1,2 |
| 33. | Ambrosius, D. - De officiis | 16° | Paris | 1609 | Ambrose, Saint, Bishop of Milan | C.66.a.14 |
| 34. | Ammirato, Scip. - Sopra C. Tacito | 4° | Ven. | 1607 | Ammirato, Scipione, the Elder | C.74.c.4(1) |
| 35. | Anastasius, Bibliothecar. - Vitae Pontificum | 4° | Mog. | 1602 | Anastasius, Bibliothecarius | C.78.b.6(1) |
| 36. | Andreini, Francisco - Bravure del Capitan Spavento | 4° | Ven. | 1609 | Andreini, Francesco | C.81.c.5 |
| 37. | Annulus Astronomicus ex variis Autoribus | 8° | Lut. | 1557 | Annulus | C.74.a.16 |
| 38. | Antoninus, Arch. Flor. - Chronicon 3 Vol. | fol. | Lugd. | 1586 | Antoninus (Forciglioni), Saint, Archbishop of Florence | 582.k.6-8 |
| 39. | Antoninus, Marc Aurel. - Vita p. Se ipsum Gr. Lat. Gul. Xylandri | 8° | Tig. | 1559 | Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus, called the Philosopher, Emperor of Rome - Meditations | C.82.a.4 |
| 40. | Antoninue, Pius Aug. - Itinerarium cum Not. Suritae | 8° | Col. Agr. | 1600 | Antoninus, Augustus | 793.b.1 |
| 41. | Antoninus, Aug. - Itinerariun fragmentum | 12° | Bas. | 1575 | Aethicus | C.73.a.17 |
| 42. | Antonius, Augustus - Itinerarium Provinciarum | 12° | Bas. | 1575 | Aethicus | C.73.a.17 |
| 43. | Apollodorus - De Deorum Origine | 8° | Lugd. | 1608 | Hyginus, Caius Julius | C.77.a.4 |
| 44. | Aquarius, Matthias - In Metaphysican Aristotelis | fol. | Rom. | 1584 | Aquarius, Mathias | C.73.d.13 |
| 45. | Aquavivus, And. Matth. - Disputationes | 4° | Helenop. | 1609 | Plutarch-De Virture Morali-Latin | C.79.b.13 |
| 46. | Aquinas, Thomas - Opera 17 Tom. | fol. | Ven. | 1593 | Thomas, Aquinas, Saint | 473.g.1-11 |
| 47. | Aquinas, Thomas - Secunda 2dae cum Com. Th. de Vio Cajetani | fol. | Ven. | 1593 | Thomas, Aquinas, Saint - Summa Theologica-Secunda Secundae. | C.79.g.6 |
| 48. | Aragon, Petrus de - In Secundam 2dae D. Thomae | fol. | Lugd. | 1596 | Thomas, Aquinas, Saint - Summa Theologica-Secunda Secundae | C.79.g.13 |
| 49. | Aratus - Phaenomena Cicerone, Avien. & Germa. Interpr. | 8° | n.p. (Heidelb.) | 1589 | Greek and Latin Astronomical Writings | 531.f.1 |
| 50. | Aratus - Phaenomena Gr. Lat. German. Caes. Interpr. | 8° | Lugd. | 1608 | Hyginus, Caius Julius | C.77.a.4 |
| 51. | Aratus - Phaenom. Gr. Lat. | 8° | n.p. (Heidelb.) | 1589 | Greek and Latin Astronomical Writings | 531.f.1 |
| 52. | Arce, Joh. - Summa Nobilitatis Hispanicae | fol. | Salm. | 1570 | Arce Ab-Otalora, Joannes | C.76.d.13 |
| 53. | Archimedes - Opera Gr.Lat. cum Eutocii Comment. | fol. | Bas. | 1544 | Archimedes | C.82.h.9 |
| 54. | Arethas - in Apocalypsin | fol. | Ant. | 1545 | Bible-Acts-Latin | 1217.k.16 |
| 55. | Aretinus, Leonard - De Bello Italico adversus Gothos | fol. | Bas. | n.d. (?1576) | Zosimus, the Historian | C.79.f.13 |
| 56. | Aretius, Bened. - Problemata Theologica | fol. | Bern. | 1604 | Aretius, Benedictus | 473.c.1 |
| 57. | Argentré, D' - Histoire de Bretagne | fol. | Paris | 1588 | Argentré, Bertrand d' | 596.k.9 |
| 58. | Argyrus, Is. - Computus Graecorum de Pasch. celebrando Gr.L. | 4° | Heidelb. | 1611 | Isaac, Argyrus | 532.e.1(1) |
| 59. | Arimino, Gregorius de - Super primum sententiarum | fol. | Par. | 1482 | Gregorius, de Arimino | IB 39333 |
| 60. | Ariosto, Ludov. - Orlando Furioso Ital. 2 Vol. | 12° | Ven. | 1600 (24°) | Ariosto, Lodovico | C.66.a.24 |
| 61. | Aristides - Orationes Lat. G. Canteri | fol. | Bas. | 1566 | Aristides, Aelius | C.79.f.1 |
| 62. | Aristides - Cratio Ulyssis Legati ad Achillem | 8° | Bas. | 1573 | Henisch, Georg | C.79.a.27 |
| 63. | Aristophanes - Comoediae cum Scholiis Graecis Aemil. Porti | fol. | Aur. Allob. | 1607 | Aristophanes, the Poet | C.76.g.8 |
| 64. | Aristoteles - Politica Gr. Lat. cum Not. Victorii | fol. | Bas. | 1582 | Aristotle | C.76.f.2 |
| 65. | Aristoteles - Problemata Gr. Lat. cum Not. Septalii | fol. | Franc. | 1602 (1602,07) | Aristotle-Doubtful or Supposititious Works | C.76.f.3 |
| 66. | Aristoteles - Mechanica cum Notis Monontholii | 4° | Paris | 1599 | Aristotle-Doubtful or Supposititious Works | C.74.b.1 |
| 67. | Aristoteles - Poetica Ital. per Castelvetro | 4° | Vien. | 1570 | Aristotle | C.76.b.8 |
| 68. | Arnobius, Afer - Conflictus cum Serapione de Deo trino & uno | fol. | Col. Agr. | 1596 | Irenaeus, Saint, Bishop of Lyons | 477.f.4 |
| 69. | Arnobius, Afer - in Psalmos & contra Gentes per R. Laur. de la Barre | fol. | Par. | 1580 | Tertullianus, Quintus Septimius Florens-Works | 477.f.11 |
| 70. | Arnoldus, Laur. - Collatio Philosophiae Moralis cum Jure scripto 2 Vol. | 4° | Franc. | 1601 | Arnoldus, Laurentius | 715.d.18 & C.75.b.16 |
| 71. | Arrianus - Propos d'Epictete | 8° | Par. | 1609 | Epictetus-Inchiridion | C.77.a.24 |
| 72. | Arrivabene, Lodovico - Il magno Vitei | 4° | Veron. | 1597 | Arrivabene, Lodovico | 1074.k.15 |
| 73. | Ars Cabalistica | fol. | Bas. | 1587 | Pistorius, Johann, of Nidda | 719.m.1 |
| 74. | Artemidorus - Oneirooritica Gr.L. | 4° | Lutet. | 1603 | Artemidorus, Daldianus | 719.i.5 |
| 75. | Arthus, Gothardus - Historia Indiae Orientalis | 8° | Col. Agr. | 1608 | Arthus, Gothard | 583.b.10 |
| 76. | Astolfi, Gio. Felice - Della Officina Historica | 4° | Ven. | 1605 | Astolfi, Giovanni Felice | 1080.l.23 |
| 77. | Astrampsychus - Versus Oneirocritici Gr.L. | 4° | Lutet. | 1603 | Artemidorus, Daldianus | 719.i.5 |
| 78. | Astronomica Veterum Poetarum | 8° | n.p. (Heidelb.) | 1589 | Greek and Latin Astronomical Writings | 531.f.1 |
| 79. | Athanasius - Opera Gr.Lat. Vol.2 | fol. | n.p. (Heidelb.) | 1600 | Athanasius, Saint, Patriarch of Alexandria | C.77.h.3 |
| 80. | Athenagoras - De Mortuorum Resurrectione | fol. | Bas. | 1561 | Philo, Judaeus | C.79.d.1 |
| 81. | Avenarius, Joh. Egran. - Dictionarium Hebraicum | fol. | Wit. | 1589 | Habermann, Johann, of Eger | C.76.e.6 |
| 82. | Avenarius, Joh.ran. - Precationes in Singulos Septimanae Dies | 16° | Lubec. | 1604 (12°) | Habermann, Johann, of Eger | C.66.a, 15 |
| 83. | Aventinus, J. - Anneles Boiorum | fol. | Bas. | 1580 | Thurmair, Johann, Aventinus | C.79.e.11 |
| 84. | Augustinus, Anton.- Fragmenta Historicorum cum Emend. Fulvii Ursini Pl. | 8° | Ant. | 1595 | Agustin, Antonio, successively Bishop of Alife and of Lerida, and Archbishop of Tarragona | C.76.a.1 |
| 85. | Augustinus, Anton. - Excerpta ex libro de Famil. Roman. | fol. | Rom. | 1577 | Ursinus, Fulvius | C.74.h.1 |
| 86. | Augustinus, Anton. - De nendatione Gratiani | 4° | Par. | 1607 | Agustin, Antonio, successively Bishop of Alife and of Lerida, and Archbishop of Tarragona | C.82.c.2 |
| 87. | Augustinus, D. Aurel. - Opera 10 Tom. | fol. | Lugd. | 1586 | Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo | 474.h.4-9 |
| 88. | Aureolus, Pet. Verbor. - In Libros Sententiarum 2 Vol. | fol. | Rom. | 1596.1605 | Aureolas, Petrus, Cardinal, Archbishop of Aix | C.80.145 |
| 89. | Automne, Bern. - Conference du Droict Francois avec le Droict Romain | 4° | Par. | 1610 | Automne, Bernard | C.83.c.1 |
| 90. | Ayrault, Pierre - L'Ordre Judiciaire des Anciens | 4° | Par. | 1588 | Ayrault, Pierre | C.82.d.8 |
| 91. | Baccius, And. - De Naturali Vinorum Historia | fol. | Rom. | 1596 | Bacci, Andrea | 439.m.12 |
| 92. | Baeza, Lodoic. - Numerandi Doctrina | 8° | Par. | 1556 | Baëza, Lodoicus | 531.d.5(1) |
| 93. | Balduinus, Franc. - De Institutione Historiae Universae | 12° | Arg. | 1608 | Balduin, François | 1432.a.12 |
| 94. | Bara, Hierome de - Blason des Armoiries | fol. | Lyon | 1604 | Bara, Hierome de | C.22.f.12 |
| 95. | Barbarus, Josephus - Itinerarium ad Tanaim & in Persiam | fol. | Franc. | 1601 | Bizari, Pietro | C.75.g.7 |
| 96. | Barclaius, Gul. - Contra Monarchomachos | 4° | Par. | 1600 | Barclay, William, Professor of Civil Law at Angers | C.77.c.17 |
| 97. | Barre, Laur. de la - Historia Veterum Patrum | fol. | Par. | 1583 | La Barre, Renatus Laurentius de | C.76.i.6 |
| 98. | Bartas, Sieur du - Oeuvres Poetiques | 12° | n.p. (Geneva) | 1598 | Saluste du Bartos, Guillaume de | C.66.a.23 |
| 99. | Bartasius, G. Salust. - Hebdomag Interpr. Gabr. Jermaeo | 12° | n.p. (Geneva) | 1596 | Saluste du Bartas, Guillaume de | C.66.a.13 |
| 100. | Bartholomaeus, Urbin. - Milloloquiun Ambrosianum | fol. | Lugd. | 1556 | Bartholomaeus Simeon, de Carusis, Bishop of Urbino | L.6.e.7 |
| 101. | Basilius - Opera Latine | fol. | Par. | 1603 | Basil, Saint, Archbishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, called the Great | 474.f.10 |
| 102. | Battingius, Rodolph. - De Methodo Astrolabii | 8° | Par. | 1557 | Battingius, Rodolphus | 531.d.5(2) |
| 103. | Becams, Joh. Gor. - Opera - C. Plant. | fol. | Ant. | 1580 | Goropius, Joannes, Becanus | C.79.e.13 |
| 104. | Becano-Baculus Salcolbrigiensis | 8° | Oppen. | 1611 | Henricus, Salcolbrigiensis pseud. | C.48.b.6(1) |
| 105. | Belici, Giov. Batt. - Nuova Inventione di fabricar Fortezze | fol. | Ven. | 1598 | Belici, Giovan Battista | C.73.g.7 |
| 106. | Bellarminus, Rob. - Disputationes 4 Tom. | fol. | Par. | 1608 | Robert (Bellarmino), Saint, Cardinal, Archbishop of Capua | C.81.k.2 |
| 107. | Bellay, Martin du - Memoires Latin ab Hug. Suraeo | fol. | Franc. | 1575. | Du Bellay, Martin, Seigneur de Langey, Prince d'Yvetot | C.75.e.2 |
| 108. | Balley, Joach. - Oeuvres | 4° | Par. | 1561 | Du Bellay, Joachim | C.69.f.4. |
| 109. | Belleforest, François de - Harangues Militaires 2 Vol. | 8° | n.p. (Geneva) | 1595 | Belleforest, François de | 1089.m.9, 10 |
| 110. | Bellengardus, Steph. - Sententiae | fol. | Lugd. | 1587 | Bellengardus, Stephanus | 716.k.11 |
| 111. | Belluga, Pet. - Speculum Principum ac Justitiae | fol. | Par. | 1530 | Belluga, Petrus | C.77.h.10 |
| 112. | Bene, Bar. del - Civitas Morum | fol. | Par. | 1609 | Bene, Bartolommeo del | 837.m.2 |
| 113. | Benzo, Hieron. - Novi Orbis Historia ex Ital. ab Urb. Calvetone | 8° | n.p. (Geneva) | 1600 | Benzoni, Girolamo | 1061.a.3 |
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Roy Strong, Henry, Prince of Wales and England's lost Renaissance, [London 1986].[200] On 22 October 1609 the following payment had been made: 'to M Holcock for wreating a Catalogue of the librarie whiche his highnes hade of my lord Lumley'. In this way there is recorded Prince Henry's acquisition of by far the largest part of the second greatest library of the Elizabethan age, that belonging to John, Lord Lumley (?1534-1609). The occasion was its removal from Nonsuch Palace, where Lumley had lived, to St James's, a move which was to precipitate substantial building work.
In order to place Prince Henry's collections into a line of descent we need to remember that another of his tutors had been Lumley, whose library he purchased. Lumley was described by Camden in his Britannia as 'a person of entire virtue, integrity and innocence, and now in his old age a complete pattern of nobility'. On account of his Catholicism and his complicity in the Ridolfi Plot against Elizabeth I he had been denied public office. Instead, he concentrated on the genealogy of his family, built up the largest picture collection in Elizabethan England, was a founder member of the Society of Antiquaries and founded, in 1583, the Lumleian Lectures on anatomy at the Royal College of Physicians. In addition he had visited Italy, and in particular Florence, in the 1560s, and this without doubt must have been a major influence. The Medici portrait collection of uomini illustri seems to have been the source of inspiration for his own vast collection of them and at Non such Palace, which he inherited from his father-in-law, he was to plant the first Italianate garden.
Prince Henry was the ideological 'heir' to Lumley. He owned his library, he was to emulate him in Italianate garden schemes, and he was to assemble a collection of pictures which had an iconographic emphasis in terms of physiognomy and scientific information as well as reflecting virtuoso skill. Even the idea of marking the collection could have come from Lumley, who had had a little paper cartellino painted on items in his possession." Henry had his branded on the reverse 92 with HP and, above, a crown. What was different about the Prince's collection was the overlay of contemporary preoccupations unknown to Lumley's era; the passion for what we now categorize as fold mas ters. In this, the Prince was a child of his own generation, reflecting the interest in what was referred to as 'curious painting, the ingredients of which included a mastery of scientific perspective and the use of light and shade, chiaroscuro.
[209] The lack of a suitable library for the heir apparent had been a matter of concern the Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Bancroft, who had launched a campaign for the Prince to be given one. Lumley's gift seems to have been in response to this, although it came subsequent to his death on 11 April 1609. The oldest nucleus was the theological books collected by Archbishop Cranmer, including a large collection of manuscripts that came through the Dissolution. These, on Cranmer's fall, were confiscated by the crown and passed to Mary I's Lord High Steward, Henry FitzAlan, Earl of Arundel, who had also acquired Nonsuch. Arundel's own library ran to some three hundred volumes and when his daughter, Jane, married John, Lord Lumley, he passed on the bulk of the Cranmer items. Lumley himself had a large library in his castle in the north which he moved south and placed in the charge of the antiquarian Humphrey Lloyd, who was physician to the household and later Lumley's brother-in-law. When, in 1579, Arundel died, 1000 printed books and 150 manuscripts passed to Lumley. Even then, by the time Lumley died, thirty years later, he had multiplied the library by three. It was a vast collection. Arundel, Lumley and Lloyd were all members of the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries. As a result the antiquarian and historical section of the collection ran into some six hundred volumes in four languages. Genealogy was heavily represented. There was a similarly large array of books on philosophy and art, but the greatest concentration on any subject was science.
In 1596 the contents of the library had been organized under seven sub-headings: theology, history, arts and philosophy, medicine, cosmography and geography, law (both canon and civil) and music, totalling 3000 works in 2800 volumes. This great collection of books was exceeded only by the 4000 works in the library of the celebrated Elizabethan magus, Dr John Dee. Dee's library was his own creation and in it works of theological debate had no place, because it epitomized, as Frances Yates has written, 'the Renaissance as interpreted by Ficino and Pico della Mirandola, with its slant towards philosophy, science and magic, rather than towards purely grammarian humanist Studies'.65 In contrast there were theological works in the Lumley Library, but, in the main, they were inherited; the thrust of its expansion under Prince Henry was essentially in the direction John Dee had developed.
When the library came to Henry it was reduced in size. Duplicates were discarded and eighty manuscripts, and, more interestingly, virtually the complete medical and legal sections, were dropped. The task of organizing the library was assigned to Patrick Young (1584-1652), fifth son of Sir Peter Young, tutor to James VI, who came south in [210] 1603. Young was to acquire a reputation as one of the great Greek scholars of the age and it was through the intervention of Dr Richard Montague, Bishop of Bath and Wells, that he was appointed librarian to the Prince.
The reorganization and expansion of the book collection necessitated the building, in 1609-10, of a library at St James's to accommodate the books. Its position is recorded in a survey and plan made by Sir Christopher Wren, dated 1706, which indicates that it was on an upper floor of the palace at the extreme southeast corner. The room was 25 ft by 35 ft (7.6 by 10.6 m), divided lengthways by a fitting which seems to have had a double stack of shelves or boxes. That the interior was not purely utilitarian we know from the payments to the King's Master Sculptor, Maximilian Colt. There was an elaborate fireplace and 'four greate arches over the passages in the library with architrave round about them and the Princes armes in the spandrils'. The decoration also included both lonic and Corinthian capitals, pyramids, pendants and satyrs.
The contents of this library can still largely be identified among the books from the old Royal Library presented by George III to the British Museum in the eighteenth century. It would be a formidable and wearisome task to identify all these volumes, but it is a perfectly possible one which perhaps a bibliophile might one day attempt. Some of these are in their original bindings, but the majority were rebound in the last century. What became the standard royal binding was, in fact, initiated by Prince Henry: a large block of the Prince's arms in the centre of the covers and four large heraldic blocks used in the corners. This formula was applied only to folios; on octavos one of the corner ornaments was blocked in the centre of the covers. The quartos, in the main, have a different and smaller oval stamp of the arms within the Garter surmounted by a coronet. Sometimes this is elaborated with small heraldic ornaments at the angles. The evidence indicates that a large part of the library was rebound in 1610 by a number of binders who made use of a central pool of finishing tools.
The library continued to grow. The accounts are full of entries recording the presentation and purchase of books, both single and in quantity. On 21 February 1610 a servant of Robert Dallington, Gentleman of the Privy Chamber, was rewarded for delivering 'a fyne Cabinett full of bookes', and a month later, on 11 March, Richard Montague, Bishop of Bath and Wells, sent by a servant "bookes to his highnes'. In 1611-12, £821.16s. was paid for 'Bookes and a Case to keepe Bookes, and an undated payment records £122.15s. to 'Edwarde Blounte stacyoner for certen bookes'. Even in 1610 the Prince [211] was making overtures to the Tuscan Resident, Lotti, for Italian books and Lotti consulted Sir Thomas Chaloner as to what was needed. Placed in perspective, the creation of this library was a significant event. It was Henry VII who had founded the first Royal Library at the close of the fifteenth century, but by the middle of the following one the impetus appears to have evaporated. There is no evidence of any activity under Elizabeth. Indeed, apart from a reference by the visitor from Hesse that James I had given it to his son there is little evidence of its continued existence. That gift must have heightened the Prince's awareness of the library's stagnation. What we are witnessing under Prince Henry is the virtual refoundation of a Royal Library.
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